VertiCon wrote:
Southern Doc wrote:
Reagan made common cause with Libertarians because their was much they could agree on and for Libertarians their ONLY hope was in an alliance with classic conservatism.
I think Reagan was simply embracing America's history, as we know it. Christians often claim that America is a "Christian Nation" --and secular critics often ridicule Christians for their special pleading of the evidence-- insisting the founders were deists, and thus America is a pluralist nation. Who is right?
The answer, I believe, is
not somewhere in the middle, but the answer is
both. I see America as a free market experiment in a truce between the Protestant Reformation & the Enlightenment. Both were allowed to freely develop to their logical paths relatively uninhibited by the government.
This uneasy truce obviously has strained society when, from time to time, either Christian ethics, or the Enlightenment mind set, have become overly dominate when developing public policy.
Actually I'd have to say the evidence is pretty overwhelming that the United States was established among a profoundly Christian population overtly desirous of pleasing God in its establishment. While the sectarian wars of the 17th century tempered their fervor and caused them to value freedom of conscience and worship, they were not remotely neutral on whether they desired a "Christian Nation" promoted and defended by their government.
The irony in the debate over "Christian Nation" is that both modern Christians and secularists look to the founders for their authority for special privilege in the current political debates. It strikes me as quite humorous that secularists unintentionally invoke the most basic of Reformation pleas, that of Primitivism (looking to the first century church as a model of faith, and first century writings as the highest authority). Those who call for a greater secularist society and a higher wall to separate the religious from the political frequently argue that they are simply trying to restore the original balance and structure of the founding fathers. This is put forward as if these men are somehow apostolic in their authority and that their actions are a binding example. "Christian Nation"alists do likewise which, though far more intellectually consistent and historically accurate, leaves them often surprised to find that many don't care what the founder's wanted or established.
Much of this stems from something that De Tocqueville was struck by in his analysis of American Democracy in 1835. He observed that Americans began and ended their political theories with a deep reverence for common law and precedent. The French, he observed, simply launched from abstract theory, but Americans, even when seemingly radical, argued from the construct that the idea was simply a return to prior norms or a logical progression from existing precedents. There is nothing particularly superior to the American or French model among political theorists, though most modern heirs of Continental Enlightenment thought argue that Americans have no “real” political thought as it merely builds upon existing ideas rather than springing fully formed from abstract theory.
We cannot escape the clear evidence that American Political thought was deeply the product of protestant England and Scotland. Even when critiques seek to minimize the profoundly religious orientation and origins of American political thought and institutions by the use of "Enlightenment" thought as a foil, they mis characterize the term by failing to recognize the difference implicit in English and Scottish Enlightenment thought which were far more religiously oriented in their epistemology and purpose. The Continental (French) Enlightenment organized its thinking on a radically different basis than Thomas Reed and his American heirs and waged literary, and from 1792-1815, literal war with their French cousins.
Due to the influence of Justice Hugo Black and influential secular academics, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and Ben Franklin constitute the lens through which many modern Americans see the founding generation. Even profoundly religious figures like John Adams are secularized by popularizers like McCulloch and HBO.
Taking just Jefferson for example: Whatever "a wall of separation" meant at the time of his letter to the Danbury Baptists it included his worshiping in the Capitol the Sunday after he wrote the letter; it included using the Marine Corps Band in those services; and it included his support for paid missionaries to Native American tribes.
But I still believe all this, while important, is not some kind of trump card that the American people need respect.
If America did not have a “Christian Nation” heritage, Christian citizens based on the principle of self-government and endowed rights have every right to make it so. But they must contend with those who likewise have every right to seek a social contract they find amenable to their interests and beliefs.
I personally want to shake many of my good Christian historian friends who seem to believe that if we just win the historic debate on our origins as a nation then those who desire a secularist, or even anti-Christian (and they do exist), nation will somehow fold their tents, strike their colors, and look for a local church to attend.
But all that is rhetoric and tactics.
Historically I have to count myself with the “Christian Nation” school of interpretation and not with Hugo Black’s high wall revisionists.